The Notion of Prophethood in Islam

Only when times are at their most turbulent, when the people of Earth reach a point of living that is considered to be sinful and discordant, is there a need for a change or reform back to a virtuous lifestyle. It is evidenced in the thoughts and traditions of many different faiths of the world that this change, this revolution as it may also be referred to, is brought about by a message. Of course, a message, especially one that is meant to bring about reform and revolution, will not be heard without scrutiny on the deliverer of the message, the messenger. In the monotheistic religions of the world, Islam in particular, emphasis is placed on these messengers as bringers of truth in times of untruth or darkness, a divinely inspired human who acts as an intermediary between God and the people to whom the message is brought. Such messengers are called Prophets. This piece will discuss the notion of Prophethood in Islam, what it means to be a Prophet, and the similar traits amongst the circumstances of the Prophets. Islam places an importance of the highest degree on the monotheistic message it delivers, that there is only one God and no other. Thus, special emphasis is placed on the ones to deliver this message, the Prophets. However, for a person to be considered a Prophet in Islam, there are certain stipulations that they have to meet. The notion of a Prophet is generally a divinely inspired human who acts as an intermediary between God and other people, but more to it is that each and every Prophet receives their message directly from God and not from other people, not even from other Prophets. However, despite not learning of the message from other Prophets, the message being delivered is the same between each and every Prophet. This ensures the authenticity of the message that each Prophet receives and clearly displays the link between the Prophet and God to the recipients of the message. However, there is even further divergence underneath the title of Prophet. In Islam, there are generally two degrees of Prophethood, Nabi, and Rasul. The difference between a Nabi and a Rasul is mainly that a Rasul not only receives message from God, but is charged to propagate it. A Rasul may also be a Prophet that brings God’s scripture and they are to restore Divine Law or Sharia as well. A Nabi on the other hand is a human who brings news of the message, but the message that each brings is not necessarily universal. Both a Nabi and a Rasul has to be a pure and worthy person in order to hear God’s message, thus it can be observed that each and every Prophet is a Nabi by default, where a Rasul is a Prophet of more responsibility than that of a Nabi. Thus, it easily observable that all Prophets have similarities, but there are a few that stand out amongst others. Of the 25 Prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, there are 5 major Prophets that stand out amongst others. These Prophets are the Prophet Noah (AS), the Prophet Abraham (AS), the Prophet Moses (AS), the Prophet Jesus (AS), and the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS). While their names appear in several passages in the Qur’an, there is a particular passage that mentions all of them: He has ordained for you of religion what He enjoined upon Noah [AS] and that which We have revealed to you, [O Muhammad (SAWS)], and what We enjoined upon Abraham [AS] and Moses [AS] and Jesus [AS] – to establish the religion and not be divided therein†¦ The Holy Qur’an, Translated by Sahih International, 42:13 This verse addresses the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) in particular. It equates the message that was brought to the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) to the messages that were brought to the Prophets Noah (AS), Abraham (AS), Moses (AS) and Jesus (AS), establishing that the religion each Prophet was trying to propagate was the same for all of them: Islam. For example, the message that the Prophet Jesus (AS) had brought were brought to a people that had lost their way, but that message was not entirely original either, having been expressed before in some form. It was also said that Jesus (AS) did not so much preach a message as he was a message. In a similar manner, the conducts of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) were said to contain a message themselves: There has certainly been for you in the Messenger of Allah [SWT] an excellent pattern for anyone whose hope is in Allah [SWT] and the Last Day and [who] remembers Allah [SWT] often. The Holy Qur’an, Translated by Sahih International, 33:21 This verse advises those who believe in Allah (SWT) of the patterns or the lifestyle of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) and the message that can be found herein. It can therefore be observed that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) would be the next in line as an Abrahamic Prophet due to his similarities to the Prophet Jesus (AS). However, despite the numerous similarities between the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) and the Prophets that were his predecessors, there is one fact that sets him apart from the others, and that is that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) is consider ed to be the Khatam al-Anbiya, or the Seal of the Prophets. In the Holy Qur’an, it states the following: â€Å"Muhammad [SAWS] is not the father of [any] one of your men, but [he is] the Messenger of Allah [SWT] and last of the prophets. And ever is Allah [SWT], of all things, Knowing† (The Holy Qur’an, 33:40). It is well known that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) did not leave any surviving male heirs, his three sons with Khadija (RA) as well his son with Mariya (RA) having passed away young, and his four daughters also having passed away in infancy (Textual Sources for the Study of Islam, p47). The verse relates that fact by acknowledging that there could be no direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS), thus no one could claim to be a Prophet by claiming to be descended from him. Even more so, the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) described his own status as the Seal of the Prophets: My likeness among all the Prophets is like the likeness of a man building a house. He is proficient at it, he does it well, and he leaves a single brick out. Then the people begin to go around the building, marvelling at it, and say: â€Å"It would be complete if not for this brick†. Indeed, in the building, I am the place for that brick. Textual Sources for the Study of Islam, p48 This quote puts forth more inclinations that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) was not only another Abrahamic Prophet (the other two being Prophet Jesus (AS) and Prophet Moses (AS)), but the final Prophet after whom there would be no other. Thus, the notion of Prophethood in Islam is clearly defined and differentiated, with all Prophets being a Nabi and a select few being a Rasul. The Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) has also been clearly established as an Abrahamic Prophet and the Seal of the Prophets in the Qur’an.

Ultrahigh Bypass Ratio Propulsion Systems Studied

celerate a large mass of air by a small amount than to accelerate a small mass of air by a large amount. In a turbofan jet engine, the airflow rate that bypasses the engine core divided by the airflow rate that travels through the core is called the bypass ratio. The bypass ratio, or BPR, is one of the key indicators of turbofan engine efficiency. The desire for better fuel efficiency has resulted in the evolution of commercial aircraft gas turbine engines from early turbojets (BPR=0), to low bypass ratio, first generation turbofans (BPR=1-2), to today's high bypass ratio turbofans (BPR=5-10).Now, ultrahigh bypass ratio (UHB) turbofans (BPR=10-20) are being designed for a next-generation, intracontinental commercial aircraft. This aircraft could enter service as early as 2020. The Intercenter Systems Analysis Team, consisting of systems engineers from Glenn and Langley Research Centers, conducted an analytical feasibility study of UHB turbofans for NASA's Fundamental Aeronautics Prog ram. With a little math, it can be shown that fuel efficiency increases along with BPR.The engine core, however, has a limited supply of power available to propel the bypass air stream, so it can be difficult to simply increase BPR arbitrarily. One path to UHB engines and better efficiency is to reduce the fan's pressure ratio, which lowers the fan's power requirement and allows higher BPRs. Our analysis team designed nine notional UHB propulsion systems for this new aircraft along a parametric design sweep of fan pressure ratio. Using advanced computational tools, these propulsion systems were ana

Flexibility and Recruitment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Flexibility and Recruitment - Essay Example 8). To understand the concept of flexibility Atkinson's model of flexibility is very useful and of paramount importance. He explains four kinds of flexibility, which firms may achieve, namely functional flexibility, numerical flexibility, pay flexibility and distancing flexibility. Functional flexibility is identified as a qualitative approach to work, and talks about management's ability to organize and reorganize particular segments of the labor force on a broad variety of tasks in reply to market demand when needed (Sparrow 1998 cited in Teicher & Holland 2006 p. 241-242). The workers are given proper training in a broad number of skills in order to make its achievement certain. The unpredictable nature of consumer demands of the products makes this type of flexibility to continue in the market. And similarly with the changes in consumer demands the technology used by the labor would also have to change making this type of flexibility to come handy for the employers (Mathews 1989 cit ed in Teicher & Holland 2006 p. 242). Numerical flexibility is identified as a quantitative approach to labor consumption. To achieve this type of flexibility the size of labor force is amended to the levels of economic activity at short notes (Atkinson 1984 cited in Teicher & Holland 2006 p. 242). Management has a choice to amend or reorganize its human resources according to the workload rise and fall. Casual, part-time service providers and sub-contractors usually offer this type of flexibility (Morehead et al. 1995; Burgess 1997 cited in Teicher & Holland 2006 p. 242). Distancing is graded as a secondary type of numerical flexibility, which involves the outsourcing of certain activities that may consist of core and non-core activities. The process of associating the non-core processes to the subcontractors is well instituted (for example, cleaning, food preparation and safety) and the improved outsourcing of usual core actions, principally in the human resources part (Herriot 19 98; Fisher et al. 2002 cited in Teicher & Holland 2006 p. 242), helps the diminution of the core or permanent staff. Financial flexibility is a payment structure which is supposedly designed to make the progress of numerical and functional flexibility possible. It allows the market forces to state their pay rates for the external workforce and gives the opportunity of increasing the nature of skills which the core labor has (Teicher & Holland 2006, p. 242). With the increasing demand of flexible workers through out, the hiring process has proved to be very difficult for the Human Resource professionals. Different strategies are being sought by the professionals to overcome the difficulties during the process of recruitment. Temporary workers are hired through the process of either formal or informal recruitment. However nowadays it is being hard for the hr professionals to hire these temporary workers. Formal Recruitment is one form through which hiring is done by these professionals. In this kind of process the nature and the requirements of the jobs are posted over different forms of media inviting the individuals who are deeply interested in the job. Thus an intermediary is selected by the formal recruitment team and this role of intermediary can be played either by the media or an agency (Marsden and Campbell 1990). The date and the location are usually set up by the company who is recruiting and both these factors are kept

The Impact of the Affordable Care Act on Health Care Assignment

The Impact of the Affordable Care Act on Health Care - Assignment Example In addition, there is deemed to be a distribution shortfall in the number of people that can take drugs to all the parts of the nation. With more practitioners distributed in the urban area, there is a problem in the number of people that can access quality health care in all the states in the US. The looming retirements is also another factor that further compounds the problem of workforce shortages in the country that will only increase more pressure on the government to do more to ensure that the population gets access to quality and accessible healthcare. It is also important to note that with the increase in the number of patients there will also be a lot of patients that require a high intensity of care. These patients require 24HR care and supervision. With the ACA in play and more people projected to have acquired health Insurance in the next few years the number of people dying due to these conditions will only increase. There ACA has directly impacted the workforce who incl udes the nurses and physicians alike. With the increase in the number of patients, the number of patients that a nurse attends to in a day has increased. The physicians are also affected since this increases their cumulative visits and changes in their shifts to ensure that the number of unattended patients is reduced. One of the effects of the changes is the heavier workloads as aforementioned. The heavy workloads are stressing workforce that eventually leads to medical errors that can be fatal to the patients.

Change Management of an Organization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Change Management of an Organization - Essay Example So the above mentioned lines are indicating one more interesting technique to reach organizational goals, that is changing the people's attitude, their way of working, and behavior towards work so that organization can reach its objectives through change which is probably the only way for it to reach its goals as modernization automatically changes the surroundings, behaviors of buyers, the variety of competition and so on. The business doesn't get changed itself, nor does it require it self to change with out any need as the profitability (growth) or survival is the core objective of any business, but when it comes to change, only external factors make an organization or business change primarily, afterwards the firm changes it self may be in internal manners. The External change drivers that can be seen commonly in this modern world or from the time the changing took place include Mega Environment1, it further includes Technological Element, in which the modern technology that is used outside the firm, perhaps around the world and by the competitors tends to change the organization, the failure to use such technology can result in loss of values, customers, and most importantly long-term profits. The next external change is brought by Economic Element, of course the change in the country's wealth distribution, it's financial debt and the inflation can create unbalance in an organization or any business, such as the decrease in the price of a certain commodity or product can have some negative impact on the firms profitability, specially if the country in which the organization is operated is a socialist economy in which the government owns a lot than the individuals. The next one is Legal-Political Element, these are somewhat the governm ental forces that affect the business or organization from outside, such as passing a new taxation rule, or a new policy which implementation can also make an organization to change its norms and policies, in such cases the organizations are forced to follow such rules, or they can be penalized. The Socio-cultural Elements is another external change driver, here the attitudes, norms, traditions, behaviors etc. that the people of the country in which the organization is operated follow, a good example is that if a food business is being operated and Muslims somehow enter into that area demanding the cautionary meat, the organization would have to change and would have to start making the demanded meat. The last of Mega environments is International Element, these are general norms followed by the organizations being operated around the globe, for instance, the McDonald's in every country has to follow somewhat the same standards that parent company is following, other wise it can be penalized. Now lets discuss an other sort of External Change driver, it is called Task Environment2, it includes Customer and Clients, of course they are the only ones because of whom change is adopted, the customers

Operations and IT Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Operations and IT Management - Essay Example This will significantly reduce conflicts when we come to implementation or operations of the managers. The information lifecycle approach has strengthened customer relationship management, which is a widely applied strategy for running a company’s relations with its customers, clients as well as sales prospects. It encompasses the use of technology to organize, computerize, and harmonize business processes-mainly sales activities, but, in addition to those for marketing, client service, along with technical support (Fitzsimmon, 2005). The predominant goals are to find, attract, and convince new clients, nurture and lock in the customers, which the company already had before, entice previous clients back into the fold, and minimize advertising costs and client services. Customer relationship management illustrates a company’s broad business plan including client interface sections as well as other departments. Computing and valuing customers’ correlation is crucial to implementing this strategy. This has tremendously reduced conflicts between operations managers and information technology managers, due to specialization and division of areas of jurisdiction within the business system. Information privacy and data security; operations managers and information technology managers are now working concurrently to ensure that there is information security. Given the fact that security is an area of concern in the business sector, the two bodies have no choice but, to pull together as a team in considering the desire for information and data privacy, as well as the legislative and cultural standards. Some clients would like their pertinent information to remain their secret, and not to allow any other unauthorized persons, without their permission access to it. Information lifecycle approach enables business firms to keep different business documentation for a different

B-Corp Business Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

B-Corp Business - Essay Example In order to become a B-Corp, there exists the whole certification process named â€Å"B-Corp Certification†. This certification implies the process of validating the company’s social and environmental performance which is measured through the special impact assessment framework (Bcorporation.net, n.d.). The process of certification has three stages: meet performance requirement; meet legal requirement; and make it official (Bcorporation.net, n.d.). The company’s performance is assessed based on the overall impact which it has on the stakeholders. This assessment is lasting for 1-3 hours, depending on the company’s size, location, and sector in which it operates. Then, one of the B Lab staff members appoints an Assessment Review session in order to clarify questions and enable the company to refine the answers (Bcorporation.net, n.d.). In case the company’s score is between 80-200 points, the B Corp team members provide the applicant with information on how to submit supporting documentation. When Assessment review stage is completed, the company has to complete Disclosure Questionnaire, where it informs about any sensitive practices, sanctions and fines related to this company or its partners (Bcorporation.net, n.d.). While the majority of such disclosures are not essential, there are cases when there are material disclosures which require more attention. In this case, the company’s management will need to provide more information on this issue. Decision about acceptance and membership/participation of the company in the B Corp community is made by the B Lab’s Board of Directors and Standards Advisory Council (Bcorporation.net, n.d.). The B Corp Certification process should be completed every two years. As it has been already mentioned the B Corp community is comprised of more than 1000 businesses. These companies operate in 60 different

Evaluation of the Humane Society of Indianapolis Research Paper

Evaluation of the Humane Society of Indianapolis - Research Paper Example As a part of their activities, they provide shelter to animals, and provide effective behavioral training to animals that are in their shelters and also to animals that their owners bring for such training. Such training is also imparted to animals that have not yet been adopted but are eminently adoptable. These trainings are provided through the Society’s public training classes and the Society tries to spread awareness about humane treatment to animals through various forums that are available for reaching out to the people of Indianapolis (Services for Pet Owners, 2011). Organization The Society operates through free service provided by volunteers that are genuinely interested about the welfare of animals and are eager to provide some succor to them at times of their distress. But these volunteers are not simply well intentioned warm hearted individuals. Helping animals sure requires some rigorous training as untrained individuals might cause harm to both themselves and the animals no matter how honest and genuine their intentions are. Hence, the Society provides training to its volunteers so that they are totally equipped and fully aware of what they should do and how they should act in situations where animals need human help in order to survive in a decent and dignified manner without the fear of cruelty or ill treatment or even neglect (About Us, 2011). Criteria 1 It is a not for profit organization that does not avail of any governmental grants or donations. Neither does it accept any donations or grants from private animal welfare organizations like PETA or ASPCA, two of the more well known animal welfare organizations of United States of America. The Society is run exclusively on private contributions and donations from private individuals who are interested and impressed about the activities of the Society. This gives the Society an unparalleled independence to chalk out its own course of action without any direction or guidance from any remote central authority. This freedom allows it to micro manage its operations in ways it deems would be best suited for distressed animals in Indianapolis and thus become more relevant to local problems than any national agency, be it governmental or be it non-governmental, can ever become (About Us, 2011). Criteria 2 The values incorporated by this organization speak volumes about their ethical and integrity, moral rigidity and honesty of purpose. That they are genuine animal lovers is evident from the compassion with they treat animals and what is best is they never make any distinction between whether the animals are pets or have been abandoned by their owners and are now no more than stray dogs. This uniform approach to all animals can come from only genuine animal lovers and not those who simply pose to gain social brownie points. This compassion in all probabilities generates a deep sense of respect of the bond between humans and animals that can grow only between a devoted animal and equally devoted owner and it sure takes time to develop as this is such a sensitive issue that it can develop in a unique natural way that unfolds over a long period. The organization recognizes and is deeply respectful of this unshakeable bond between pets and their owners. Such a huge activity can only be possible through unstinted cooperation from all interested individuals and the Society pays utmost regard and is eager to embrace any form genuine cooperation. This allows the Society to reach to all sections of the society irrespective of what class, creed or ethnicity such individual s hail from. This not only gives the Society a more inclusive character but also ensures a more democratic outlook. As it

Proving God's Existence is Not Quite a Necessary Task - Love, the Research Paper

Proving God's Existence is Not Quite a Necessary Task - Love, the Strongest Argument, is a Key - Research Paper Example Apparently, even faith which is immaterial by nature is put to intense questioning merely because scientific endeavors have answered and fulfilled most of man’s quest for improving the quality and meaning of life. So no matter how strong God is perceived through faith, still, science is made to require evidence to support a spiritual conviction that there is God, the creator of all things including men, science, philosophies, and other fields of knowledge. By inductive reasoning, no belief may be established until concrete specific proof is met but, is this really necessary for God whose divine nature is rather inclined to reveal Him in abstract yet special ways of conveying the truth of his being? To me, it occurs that experiencing the physical world is adequate for an intimate sense of the beauty of nature is itself an inexplicable wonder though vividly seen, heard, and felt. Faith may not speak to me in philosophical terms to understand a moment of awe that has struck me so mewhere, heart and mind, but it certainly speaks to me with love – that is the most common language in any context and in all areas of knowledge regardless of man’s race, creed, color, and ideological upbringing. How is it possible to hold God’s existence in disbelief when the universe, with all the heavenly bodies, is kept in perfect order by forces known as the pull of gravitation? Can these forces alone think as rational human beings do and act accordingly, knowing their worth in effecting harmony across the interstellar expanse? Surely there is supreme entity, a rational and exceedingly intelligent one who, with immense powers and wisdom, is able to design and command a non-living system of planets and stars to play their part whether in maintaining or transforming a galaxy. I am particularly fascinated about ‘symmetry’ in several things and the concept of order and symmetry is tangibly made known to us in view of biological forms and anatomies of life. Simply running an imaginary vertical axis down the center of the human body is like creating a mirror where we see one half reflect the other that our set of eyes, ears, arms, and legs in pairs mirror each other exactly. How often do we ever ponder on this and the reason for symmetry as well as regularity in shapes everywhere? Then we are led to consider thought on balance, on the idea of equilibrium which is very closely associated to order. Imagine a situation in which one of our eyes is at the back of the head while the other lies in front of the knee. Could this account for a picture of regularity and balance? If not, how could humans and other creatures evolve by such regular fashion in the absence of an impeccably systematic, profound scheme? How can God be not part of this if we completely acknowledge the spontaneous function of nature from which to realize that not all natural activities are seen by the naked eye? At this point, if we have learned to regard the unse en behavior within nature then we must learn to acknowledge beyond doubt too the invisible presence of an unseen worker who is above every form of existence. Albert Einstein expresses that though he rejects the notion

Tort law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words - 3

Tort law - Essay Example Therefore, duty is an essential element in to establish negligence. The claimant must prove that the defendant had failed to carry out the minimum standard of care in performing his duty. It is also important to prove that the claim for damages had arisen out of that failure to perform such duty. In addition, it has to be proved that the defendant was duty bound to exercise care towards the claimant2. In order, to establish a duty of care, three requirements have to be fulfilled. First, some foreseeable damage should have been caused to the claimant. Second, there should be a closer relationship between the claimant and the defendant that establishes a duty of care. Third, such relationship should be just and reasonable in imposing a duty on the defendant3. The doctrine of duty of care was first developed in Donoghue v Stevenson4. Since then this concept remained unchanged, until the 1970 case of Dorset Yacht v Home Office. In that case, it was held that a duty of care was present, if the damage was predictable5. In Donoghue v Stevenson, the plaintiff’s friend ordered a ginger beer. After she had consumed a portion of the drink, she noticed the remains of a rotten and decomposed snail in the beer. Donoghue fell ill on account of having consumed the contaminated beer, and brought a suit against the defendant, who was the manufacturer of the ginger beer6. Their Lordships opined that the plaintiff had legal grounds for her claim under the existing law. This decision was a landmark decision and became a legal principle in countries following common law. This decision constitutes the basis for the modern legal principles relating to product liability of manufacturers. This principle has been established as tort of negligence in tort law, and applies to all civil wrongs and claims7. In Capro v Dickman an economic loss transpired, on account of the negligent statement made by the defendant.

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Example for Free

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with some choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. 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Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

The Effective Help To Families And Children Social Work Essay

The Effective Help To Families And Children Social Work Essay I was requested to complete a Pre-Birth Assessment with regards to Case BB. The referral was made by the Community Midwife to the Children and Families Area Team where I was on my placement. The Community Midwifes concerns were BBs age, she already had a child who was under one year, her partner was in prison and the Midwife was further concerned about BBs lack of engagement with the health services particularly ante-natal services. The Midwife was also concerned with BBs emotional state of mind. To consolidate what little information was on the referral I contacted BBs current Health Visitor whereby I was subject to a litany of BBs misdemeanours regarding her care of CA. Although the Health Visitor regarded BBs care of CA as poor I noted that there had been no social work input requested from the Health Visitor and that the Health Visitor had quite a forceful personality. However, I took on board the information the Health Visitor provided with an objective mind. BB is 19 years old and lives in a local authority house in a rural village with few local amenities. The village is not well served with public transport which makes it difficult for BB to access the main town. BBs sole income is benefit based. BB now has two children, CA who is 15 months old and LA who is 3 months old. BBs partner, BA (who is 22 years of age) is at present in prison, serving a sentence for Assault to Serious Injury. BA is not expected to return to the family home until October 2010. BA is the natural father to both CA and LA. My role was to complete a Pre-Birth Assessment with regards to convening a Pre-Birth Conference if necessary. This is in line with the local authoritys High Risk Pregnancy Protocol. My role was also to support and work in partnership with BB and her family in the longer term. The context of my practice was that of a statutory role with statutory responsibilities. Therefore, I had to consider how to support the family by assessing BBs strengths and pressures as well as promote the welfare of BBs child and unborn child and in the wider sense to keep the family together. According to Hothersall (2008) these are principles inherent within the Children (Scotland) Act 1995 which themselves derive from broader principles surrounding the rights of the children and the importance of positive development as the basis for a meaningful life. Further to this Healy (2005) points out that within the practice context it is the legal aspect which has precedence over other aspects of practice. This incorporates the fulfilment of legal duties and responsibilities. The Children (Scotland) Act 1995, as mentioned previously, is the underpinning legislation within Children and Families. This legislation with regards to parental responsibilities was I felt, pertinent to this case. For example, the responsibilities of a parent to a child under 16 are set out in Section 1 of this Act. They are to safeguard and promote the health, development and welfare of the child and to provide appropriate direction to the child according to age. These parental responsibilities were important to consider when completing the Pre-Birth Assessment in response to both BB and her partner BAs capacity to parent. The Getting It Right For Every Child (GIRFEC) (Scottish Executive, 2005) policy was also crucial in my assessment. GIRFEC provides a practice model which promotes holistic assessment and planning for children, centred upon indicators of well-being and as a policy is about intervention as early as possible and provision of the right help at the right time. Within GIRFEC is the My World assessment model which I used to help me complete the Pre-Birth Assessment particularly in relation to BBs parenting skills with CA. I also utilised Getting Our Priorities Right (GOPR) A Guide for Workers in Best Practice (Local Authority Child Protection Web Pages). Underpinning this assessment was Protecting Children and Young People Framework for Standards (Scottish Executive, 2004). Within the context of completing the assessment I was aware of the statutory legal responsibility involved and the requirement to work within the framework of current legislation and policy. During supervision discussion was centred around the issue of care and control from the perspective of my practice based on statutory responsibility. According to Thompson (2005) to ignore control is to run the risk of being ineffective, while to ignore care can lead to potentially abusive and oppressive practice. Further to this Banks (2006) points out that the reasons for many ethical dilemmas and problems stem from the social work role as a public service profession dealing with vulnerable service users who need to be able to trust the worker and be protected from exploitation; and also from its position as part of state welfare provision based on contradictory aims and values (care and controlprotection of individual rights and promotion of public welfare) that cause tensions, dilemmas and conflicts. (Banks, 2006, p.25) As Banks also points out, in practice it is the rules of the agency that define who is to be regarded as a service user and provide the context in which the social worker operates. This, for me reflects that need to recognize the significance of discrimination and oppression in service users lives and for my practice to be ethically sound and develop a participatory approach to my practice. Considering these points helped me formulate how I was going to engage with BB. I had an understanding of my statutory responsibilities from a legal and policy perspective and I had an understanding of my personal and professional values in terms of the tensions caused by care and control. Therefore, I needed to build a working relationship with BB which would allow me to build a theoretical understanding of the interrelationship between the individual and society. (Watson West, 2006, p.13) This would help me complete a meaningful and insightful assessment of BBs current difficulties with appropriate interventions. To complete the assessment, I took into consideration Germain and Gittermans The Life Model of Social Work Practice (1996). Payne (2005) describes this model as a formulation of the ecological systems theory which is based on the relationship between people and their environment. The aim of social work is to increase the fit between people and their environment by alleviating life stressors and increasing peoples personal and social resources to enable them to use more and better coping strategies. Payne further points out that practice must be carried out through a partnership between worker and service user that reduces power differences between them. The environment and the demands of the life course should be a constant factor in making decisions. By utilising Germain Gittermans life model of practice (1996) I was able to create an accepting and supportive environment by describing my role clearly to BB and encouraging BB to give her thoughts about the referral. This elicited background information about her relationship with BA and support networks she had within her own extended family and with BAs extended family. We discussed the birth of her second child particularly in respect of how BB felt she could cope with CA as well as with the new baby. BB identified this as a worry for her as she was concerned that she would not be able to manage. To make sense of this information Payne (2005) describes resources that people have in order to cope. These are self-efficacy, self-esteem and self-concept. BB had none of these emotional resources available to her at this time. Coupled with this she had no self-direction in the sense she did not feel she had any control over her life. To allow me to elicit further information regarding BBs parenting skills I observed her care of CA. The My World model which draws on upon the work of Bronfenbrenner (1979) and encourages practioners to take an ecological approach to the assessment process helped me in this respect. By looking at the three domains of growth and development, what is needed from the people who look after me and my wider world I was able to elicit the positives in the situation and the areas of pressure in relation to the safety, well-being and development of the child. Further to this, attachment theory, which according to Schofield (2002) is primarily a theory for understanding (Schofield, 2002, p.29) was also useful in that although directly seeking to improve the quality of interaction between children and caregivers, the childs sense of security, self-esteem and self-efficacy may also be increased by intervening in the systems around the family, for example providing social support to the mother or funding a place for the child in an activity group. A visit with BA was also organised, who although in prison presented as a significant risk factor due to alcohol consumption and increasing levels of violence, albeit the incidents were not in or near the family home and did not involve BB nor his child. BA was at first uncommunicative which was understandable due to the setting and nature of the visit. Trevithick (2007) suggests that asking a range of different questions is central to interviewing however, before asking a question we must be interested in the answer. (Trevithick, 2007, p. 159) By careful use of open and closed questions I was able to draw out BAs views on the assessment and gain some sense of a working relationship with him. However, what really opened the conversation was when I commented on how CA looked very like him. BA then started to talk about CA and how he was looking forward to the birth of his next baby. During the course of the visit I was able to understand how BA supports BB by allowing her the freedom to take care of CA while he did the cooking and looked after the house. BA went on to explain that his relationship with BB was sound but that he was aware he had let her down badly particularly as she was pregnant with his second child. BA was aware that he had missed a lot of CA growing up and he did not want this to happen with his second child. BA was also open about the circumstances leading to his arrest and he admitted that it was due to a feud between two different villages that had been going on since school. BA confirmed that the whole thing was stupid and that he now realised he needed to grow up. Taking into account the information gained and observations made during my visits with BB, CA and BA I was able to start to make sense of their environment, their strengths and pressures and the roles each of them had within the home and their community. Intervention at the initial stages of the process was I believe successful with regard to forming a working partnership with BB and to an extent with BA. Further visits with BB drew further information regarding informal support networks which in the main was her mother. BBs mother was a source of practical support and advice and they were in contact daily. BB described her mother as her ear. Permission was sought from BB to meet with her mother. BBs mother was keen for her daughter to gain support from social services as she realised how difficult her daughter was finding things at this time. To complete the assessment and take into account risk factors and strengths I had to analyse and reflect on the information I had gained. According to Helm (2009) this information needs to be analysed before an understanding is developed which allows a judgement to be formed which can lead to an appropriate decision or action. Calder (2002) further offers a framework for conducting risk assessment by assessing all areas of identified risk and ensuring that each is considered separately e.g. child, parent, and surrounding environment each worrying behaviour should be assessed individually as each is likely to involve different risk factors. To counteract the risk factors present family strengths and resources should also be assessed, for example good bonding, supportive networks. After a thorough analysis and supervisory discussions I recommended that a Post-Birth Multi-Agency Conference not be convened. However, I recommended that a further assessment take place when BA returns to the family home and a Post-Birth Multi-Agency meeting to discuss future interventions be arranged as I was aware that the birth of the new baby could be a future pressure on BB. In line with anti-oppressive practice and partnership working, I discussed both the assessment and recommendations with BB and by letter with BA. Both were given the opportunity to put their views across and both were happy to continue to work voluntarily with the department for the present. The reasons behind my recommendations were that BB although socially isolated had a strong supportive network with her extended family and BAs extended family. Further to this BB has a close and supportive relationship with her mother whom she sees every day. According to Hill et al (2007) a vast array of research shows that parents in poverty, or facing other stresses, usually cope better when they have one or more close relationships outside the household and these are activated to give practical, emotional or informational support. Most often this is informal but, for isolated parents access to family centres or professionals including health professionals can make a great difference to both the parents and the social and emotional health of children. (Barlow Underdown, 2005) With regards to CA, BB had a good bond with her daughter and was quick to attend to her needs. BB also had a routine in place for CA regarding mealtimes and naps this also included a bedtime routine. CA was reaching her developmental milestones (Source: Sheridans Charts). CA had age appropriate toys and had the freedom of the living area. BB had erected a baby gate to stop CA from gaining access to the kitchen and the stairs. However, since CA started walking, BB has to continually keep an eye on CA due to the open fire and hearth in the living area which is proving stressful for BB. Immediate interventions included obtaining Section 22 funding to purchase a safety fireguard and information was obtained regarding BB making applications for Sure Start and Healthy Eating Grants. These applications were successfully made by BB and allowed her to purchase essential items for the new baby. BB had highlighted this as a worry for her as she was struggling financially. Working in collaboration with the Community Midwife arrangements were made for BB to make the trip to the clinic on alternate weeks when her benefits were received. The Community Midwife visited her at home the other weeks. I believe I managed to build a positive working relationship with BB. According to Wilson et al (2008) relation-based practice is the emphasis it places on the professional relationship with the service user. The social worker and service user relationship is recognised to be an important source of information for the worker to understand how best to help. In order to make informed decisions and critically evaluate practice, reflection and analysis of information should embrace all sources of knowledge which have to be drawn upon. Further to this, a potentially more informative, relationship-based and reflective response would be to articulate the service users feelings by which the service user can acknowledge their own responses to the situation. As Fook (2002) points out: Reflective practioners are those who can situate themselves in the context of the situation and can factor this understanding into the ways in which they practice (Fook, 2002, p.40) Banks (2006) also indicates that part of the process of becoming a reflective practioner also involves being aware of ones own position of power and how dominant discourses construct the knowledge and values we use to describe and work with situations and practice. This has been discussed in supervision with regards to BBs Pre-Birth assessment and to visiting BA in prison. It is difficult to evaluate whether aspects of my work were effective or not. However, in supervision we discussed how keen BB was to gain support and seemed to appreciate the partnership approach. This was discussed in relation to Hill et als (2007) research and Barlow and Underdown (2005). Small aspects of my intervention, such as the provision of the safety fireguard were described by BB as a godsend and she was proud to show me the baby items she had purchased on receipt of the grants. Discussion in supervision also centred round the next stage of intervention which was after the baby was born. I discussed with BB the opportunity for CA to attend a local authority nursery one day per week. This would help CAs social and emotional development and at the same time allow BB to spend time with LA. This referral was successful as was gaining the services of a volunteer driver to transport CA. However, CA has only just started at the nursery and therefore difficult to gauge if this referral has been effective. Reflecting on my work overall, I should probably have explored more with BB her social isolation and worked on strategies to get her more involved in the community. Further to this resources in this village are non-existent and the parenting groups which were suitable were not available locally. BB was interested but location of the Family Centre and lack of public transport negated this. I enquired with regards to Outreach Work but this was not available. Discussion with other colleagues in the team reflected the same theme regarding facilities for the outlying villages. Further discussion in supervision raised for me the difficulty of maintaining empowering and anti-oppressive practice within this context as assessment should be needs led not resource led. 2,979 words